Violence and civilization:specific voices in the noisy times

作者：  (美)汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)等著

出版社：新世界出版社,2013

简介：　　一部关于暴力与文明对人类发展影响的深刻启示录。 　　诺贝尔奖获得者汇聚的思想文化殿堂。 　　《纽约时报》《华盛顿邮报》年度最佳推荐图书。 　　汉娜·阿伦特 苏珊·桑塔格等思想家、文学家汇聚的知识殿堂。

Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger

作者：  (美)阿丽斯贝塔·爱丁格(Elzbieta Ettinger)著;戴晴译

出版社：春风文艺出版社,2000

简介：这是一本首次细说一场充满了持久激情和隐秘爱情的故事的书。主人公是20世纪两位伟大的思想家：汉娜·阿伦持与马丁·海德格尔。通过对他们昔日不为人所知的书信的披露，作者阿丽斯贝塔·爱丁格描绘了这对恋人绵延达半个世纪的关系：在世人的想象中，海德格尔是一名严谨的从事抽象思维的思想家；而阿伦特，就其独立与自信的个性而言，几乎是完美无缺的。然而，在本书所提供的大量活生生的事实面前，没有人会不感觉吃惊。 阿伦特与海德格尔相遇于1924年的马堡大学。她那年十八岁，作为一名德国犹太学生在他的班上听课；而他，三十五岁，已有家室。他们的秘密恋情维持了四年，接着是早十年的分道扬镳——在此期间，海德尔成了一名纳粹，阿伦特移民美国，献身于政治理论和哲学的研究。1950年，两人的关系再度恢复，在一种极为复杂与尴尬的局面下维持亲密友情，直到阿伦特于1974年辞世。 作者爱丁格以大量尚不为人所知的细节，向读者展现了这场奇特的、折磨人的拒斥与缠绵。她告诉我们海德格尔如何在利用阿伦特的同时影响着她的思想，还有阿伦特如何挣扎着原谅海德格尔人皆知的与纳粹的勾结；此外，谁能说海德格尔对阿伦特的爱恋，以及他对纳粹的痴迷，与这名哲人的浪漫倾向没有关联呢？ 一个激动人心的爱情故事，一本揭示两思想伟人的情感世界的书。如果你有志于探询于人的内心的复杂，你定会为它所吸引。

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简介：Includes writings by Dylan Thomas, Margaret Laurence, Wallace Stegner, Zora Neale Hurston, Maya Angelou, Bruno Bettelheim, Joan Didion, Joyce Maynard, Fredelle Maynard, Loren Eiseley, E.B. White, Anatole Broyard, Emerson, Thoreau, Whitman, May Sarton, Woody Allen, Ned Rorem, Thomas Jefferson, Nathaniel Hawthorne, David McCullough, Virginia Woolf, Doris Lessing, Annie Dillard, Margaret Mead, N. Scott Momaday, Benjamin Franklin, William Golding, Desmond Morris, Jacob Bronowski, M.F.K. Fisher, Isaac Asimov, Paul Theroux, Scott Russell Sanders, Oliver Sacks, Malcolm Cowley, Lewis Thomas, Elisabeth Kubler-Ross, Stephen Jay Gould, Eudora Welty, Thurber, Adrienne Rich, William Zinsser, H.L. Mencken, Gloria Naylor, Maxine Hong Kingston, Erich Fromm, George Orwell, Francis Bacon, John Donne, Samuel Johnson, Charles Lamb, John Henry Newman, Abraham Lincoln, Matthew Arnold, Walter Pater, Hemingway, Faulkner, Updike, Anthony Burgess, Russell Baker, Jessica Mitford, Tom Wolfe, Alistair Cooke, Gloria Steinem, James Baldwin, Konrad Z. Lorenz, Carl Sagan, Edward Abbey, Chief Seattle, Joseph Wood Krutch, Gary Soto, Samuel L. Clemens, W.H. Auden, Ambrose Bierce, Blake, Barbara Tuchman, Barry Lopez, Hannah Arendt, Daniel J. Boorstin, Oscar Lewis, Jonathan Swift, Martin Luther King Jr., Machiavelli, Edith Hamilton, Arthur Koestler, Vladimir Nabokov, Northrop Frye, Alice Munro, Carl Jung, Robert Frost, S.I. Hayakawa, Aaron Copland, Joyce Carol Oates, Plato, Aesop, Robert Graves, Langston Hughes, PaulTillich, Gilbert Highet, Jean-Paul Sartre, and others.

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简介： 本書手稿於1949年完成，在詮釋19及20世紀的政治體制特色及其問題方面，本書的地位無可取代。本書分成三部分：第一部分「反猶太主義」說明19世紀中，西歐反猶主義的興起；第二部分「帝國主義」檢視自1884年至第一次世界大戰爆發之間的歐洲殖民帝國主義；第三部分「極權主義」處理極權主義運動和政府的組織及運作，將焦點放在納粹德國和史達林統治下的蘇俄。欲了解極權主義的讀者不可不讀。 《極權主義的起源》導讀 漢娜．鄂蘭(Hannah Arendt, l906-1975)於1949年寫成，於1951年出版的《極權主義的起源》初版的名稱為《我們當前的負擔》(The Burden of Our Time)，在1958年的修訂版，鄂蘭增加了一篇類似結論的文章，題名為，分析極權主義政制跟過去的專制政體本質上的差異，書名也改成現在的名稱。 《極權主義的起源》是鄂蘭生前出版的第一本主要著作，一如其他所有的論著，女口《伊赫曼在耶路撒冷》(Eichmann in Jerusalem)、《論革命》(On Revolution)與《人間條件》(The Human Condition)，這本著作所建立的極權主義理論，及其歷史根源的解釋與敘述，激發學院的歷史與政治學學者的嚴厲評論。儘管如此，鄂蘭的論述構成理解西方現代之法西斯主義和極權主義現象的一重要的解釋觀點。 鄂爾的這本論著結合了歷史的解釋、敘述與概念之形構(即：建立極權主義之理論)。在了解《極權主義的起源》，我們必須以這兩個層面為方向。 依鄂蘭的解釋，極權主義是史無前例的新的統治形態，過去任何專制獨裁制，無論如何殘暴，都沒有如極權主義一般，把人區分成「理應消滅的人種或階級」，而以「集中營」或「勞改營」為場所，進行集體的改造與屠殺；過去的專制政權僅止於迫害反對此政體的「政治敵人」，但極權主義毫無留情地殲滅服從它的「順民」；過去沒有一個政體公然取消人的道德信條，如「你不應殺人」與「你不能做偽證」，而把殺人與說謊轉變成公民應該服從的法律命令；過去沒有一個政權的領導者如此狂妄地認為人的力量無比偉大，而得以從事人性的改造，跟這相對，過去也沒有一政權的領導者那麼謙卑自稱是執行「歷史或種族必然法則」的工具。 這樣嶄新的政權，鄂蘭進一步解釋，乃是建立在一套「意識形態」(ideology)的統治支配，這套「意識形態」，在極權主義者的運用下，表示一套講求前提與推論必須首尾一貫的演繹邏輯，這套邏輯以不講自明的「種族鬥爭」與「階級鬥爭」為前提，而對人類整體發展的過去、現在與未來做全盤的解釋，同時認定人類整體的歷史意義在於一終極目的，意即「無階級社會」或「純粹人種」，的實現。極權主義者運用這一套「意識形態」塑造或者改造生活世界的「事實」或「現實」，在講求首尾一貫之一致性之邏輯推論，此「意識形態」拒絕實質之經驗與事實的否證，其結果把它支配的世界砌造成一封閉的「虛構世界」；同時，為了確實實現這套「意識形態」所揭示的歷史之究竟意義或目標，極權主義者自認是這一人類偉大的目標的執行者，但他們也知道這個目標並非一蹴可即，而是為「百年大計」，執行此目標的任何階段也都不會是絕對完美的，因此，「意識形態」的法則，不論是歷史的或者是種族的法則，必然是動態的，在此動態的運動法則的支配下，極權主義者名正言順地摧毀一切阻撓此運動的既成制度與憲政的結構，掃除人間世界的任何法律與道德倫理的界線；偏執於絕對之歷史目的之達成，極權主義者不斷在他們發動的所謂運動的歷史過程，尋找與肅清偏離或顛覆此運動法則與過程的「危險分子」。據此，在鄂蘭的解釋，極權主義的本質乃是抹平人間世界的所有界線，以及把人之多元性壓縮成單調如一的集體同一性，俾能釋放非人性的自然或歷史之勢力。 這套「意識形態」顯現在極權主義者身上的性格，一力而是表現「凡事皆可為」的虛無作風，一種認為人的力量無比偉大的狂妄；另一方面則是自認為執行歷史或自然之動態法則的工具，一切作為因此不是自發性的，或是自律性的，而是法則支配下的傀儡，這造成極權主義者全然喪失「政治責任」的理念與承擔。 在《極權主義的起源》1958年版的《意識形態與恐怖統治》一文，鄂蘭從理論反省的層次，表述極權主義的本質，但整部著作的重點在於解釋極權主義如何可能在西方現代社會中形成：極權主義的以邏輯演繹與歷史目的論為宗旨的「意識形態」如何可能塑造社會之力量，得以蠱惑人的心思，願意放棄一己之私奉獻於它不斷造成的運動？作為一位猶太人，鄂蘭特別關注：基於甚麼歷史條件，猶太人成為納粹的「民族社會主義」決意整體剷除的對象？對於這些基本問題的解釋構成《極權主義的起源》的複雜、精微，且不時閃現高度之歷史想像的敘述整體。 就歷史敘述體的構成，鄂蘭在此書的第一部分，，從西方現代「民族國家」與資本主義金融體系的歷史形成，解釋猶太人——這沒有建立一政治共同體而飄泊無根的民族——如何取得金融掮客的地位，成為歐洲金融界的顯赫人物；但是作為一無國籍民，猶太人無法培養政治意識與參與政冶事務的能力，造成猶太人政治冷感與被動反應政治現實的習性(這是鄂蘭解釋猶太人現代命運的基本論點，也是激起她同胞之嚴厲批判的觀點)。生活於非他們所屬的國度裡，猶太人不是成為政治社會的邊際人物，就是戮力躋身上層社會的暴發戶。在西方現代早期的發展，由於國際間金融借貸的需求，這無國籍的猶太人，因這性格，可以替各國政府穿梭引線，解決金融之問題，是為各國政府所需要的「有用之物」，同時，在講求人權與法治的現代民族國家裡，猶太人可以獲得社會政治地位的保護，但猶太人所置身的安全處境只是暫時性的。到了十九世紀，西方的現代政冶社會產生了無可化解的危機，猶太人喪失了他先前享有的安全穩固的地位。 鄂蘭把猶太人的命運與西方現代性的發展及其危機相互關聯，在《極權主義的起源》的第二部分，鄂蘭探討西方現代性的進展中，「潛伏的暗潮」如何導致人本主義與啟蒙之文明的崩潰，以及在這樣的歷史條件下，造成納粹的「民族社會主義」的興起。她的論述不像學院之歷史家探討如「法國大革命之歷史起源」的方法，她不從第一次世界大戰後德國的特殊歷史處境，去尋求納粹之極權主義的根源，而是把它視之為可以表露西方現代性之陰暗底層的「巨大事件」，基於這樣的解釋立場，鄂蘭也把史達林的共產主義的極權統治，由於它奠基於馬克思式的意識形態，解釋為西方自啟蒙以來的現代性之產物，依此，我們可以說：鄂蘭探討極權主義的歷史起源，在某種程度上，是對西方現代性之困境的反省與批判。 關於極權主義的起源，鄂蘭思考的問題是：到底是甚麼勢力蘊藏於西方現代文明之社會，而導致極權主義可以把人性轉變成動物族類的屬性？鄂蘭以資本主義的經濟生產體系的運作為起點，說明資本主義如何把人固定的、滿足其生存之必需的「私產」(property)轉化成不斷投資和再投資之無限流動的「資產」(wealth)，這種轉化也是孕育「資本主義意識」的過程，為擴張資產之原故而進行無休止的資產之擴張，以及以征服全地球為目的，構成了此意識的本質。 資本主義的無限擴張一方面動搖了有一定疆域與憲政法治之一定結構的現代「民族國家」體制，使國家逐步喪失在它治理的疆域裡保障公民權與超越人種族群之上的功能作用；另一方面，執行資本主義擴張的所謂「帝國主義」在亞非的殖民經驗中，孕育出「種族主義」，藉此合理化他們對殖民地的征服，同時，「種族主義」讓他們確立以人之生物屬性為本的政治共同體理念，而侵蝕了「民族國家」的政治公民權。除此之外，這些「帝國主義者」在執行資本主義的擴張原則時，所扮演的若不是以行政命令取代法治的官僚，就是隱匿身份的秘密特工，他們作為的取向即是破壞既定的法律或道德原則，這種帝國主義殖民經驗塑造出另一種態度與理念：否定或隱藏自己的認同身份，以及認為自己的使命是服務歷史與生物之必然性的潛藏的勢力，此種心態與理念(包括殖民地的「種族主義」)成為二十世紀中葉極權主義運動的動力資源。 在解釋與論述從資本主義之擴張和帝國主義心態之形塑轉向極權主義運動與支配的歷程，引人興趣的說明主題是二十世紀的群眾社會與極權主義之支配兩者的關聯，鄂蘭的論述表現了她對人之道德心理的洞識。依鄂蘭的分析，資本主義的「資產積累」的生產方式與不斷擴張的原則造就了西方現代社會一大群「孤單」、自覺「多餘無用」，以及跟生活世界疏離的「群眾」，拚命地追求物慾之滿足，充滿物慾之激情，罔顧公共事務，但是生活之支離與意義的喪失，使他們成為絕望之存有，他們既無法彼此結合成政治的團體，共同參與政治之事務，更甚者，他們隔絕了其他人，也隔絕了使他們生活有意義的共同世界，在這種「隔絕」(isolation)與「孤單」(loneliness)，意即：喪失生活之共同世界)的存在處境，他們不但喪失了現實感，也喪失了合理健全地判斷經驗的能力，他們極易被任何勢力所鼓動。從群眾出來的激進分子(所謂的「暴民」)在十九世紀中葉跟「帝國主義者」串聯，在無法治的「蠻荒世界」從事各種巨大的罪行，而被動的「群眾」則受各種運動的「意識形態」所蠱惑，帝國主義的「暴民」在亞非地區的罪行，以及「群眾」在歐洲大陸熱衷信服各種「意識形態」，這樣的經驗間接地造成孕育極權主義的溫床，最後，極權主義的封閉的邏輯推論系統與自稱能解答人類歷史之究竟意義的「意識形態」，終究能在這共同世界喪失與個人「單原子化」(atomization)的現代處境吸引「群眾」，他們服膺這套「意識形態」至少讓他們認為身屬某一聲勢浩大的「部落團體」，不論是自稱「人種之主宰」或者自稱「歷史必然性之領導」的「部落團體」，而能感受到生活的一點點尊嚴。 猶太人的命運隨著這樣的歷史的轉變逐步被推向深淵。護衛他們之政治社會地位的「民族國家」，其憲政法治結構受帝國主義擴張而動搖，以及它所保障之人權與法律之平等抵擋不了資本主義的經濟危機及隨之而起的民族或種族歧視之壓力，在這種處境下，猶太人具有的文化特殊性及他們在現代歷史中跟「民族國家」的緊密關係，遂變成種族之歧視與仇恨的顯著目標。 扼要地說明《極權主義的起源》的論述主題，提供讀者簡略的綱領，希望有助於讀者閱讀這部被視為西方現代經典名著。最後，讓我們思考的問題是：鄂蘭在這部著作中處理1890年代西方現代的困境與極權主義的本質與歷史根源，對我們能提示甚麼反省之資源？細讀這部論著，不難發現：鄂蘭透過歷史的解釋與敘述，說明西方現代之「民族國家」(它的契約論式的個人主義基礎、它對人權之保障與形式之平等的承諾……等被視之為西方現代性之成就)本身具有的脆弱性格，如上所說，「民族國家」的憲政法治結構經不起經濟的無限擴張，更甚者，它抵擋不了各種以血緣關係、語言文化、區域認同為基礎組合成的「族群」所揭示之「政治認同」的意識形態的攻擊，最後，代表啟蒙理念、法治倫理與寬容原則的西方現代性是否如我們想像的如此根基穩固？同時，西方現代之資本主義生產體系與科技所承諾的繁榮富庶，是否證明祇是夢想？如果說西方的現代性在某種程度上構成我們的傳統，鄂蘭在《極權主義的起源》中的深刻反省是值得我們去閱讀與理解的。 它既不歸結於過去，也不歸結於未來。 它只是走過，一切都存於現在。 一個世代經歷了兩次世界大戰，其間一系列局部戰爭和革命從未間斷過，其後被征服者未得到任何和平條約，勝利者也未得到休養生息，卻以預料剩下的兩個超級大國之間可能發生第三次世界大戰而告終。這一等待的時刻就像喪失了所有的希望之後的平靜。我們不再期望最終能恢復那種舊世界秩序及其一切舊傳統，也不再期望五大洲的人們重新統一團結；他們被扔進由戰爭和革命的暴力產生的混亂之中，而這一切的日益衰微仍被忽略了。我們看到同一種現象在極不相同的條件下和全然相異的環境裡發展——精神上的無家可歸達到了前所未有的規模，飄流無根的心緒達到了前所未有的深度。 我們從來沒有像今天這樣對未來感到無法預料，我們從來沒有像今天這樣依賴各種政治力量，我們無法相信它們會遵從常識和自我利益的法則——如果根據本世紀以前的標準來判斷，這些是瘋狂的政治力量生命。人類似乎分裂成兩種類型，一種人相信人無所不能(他們認為，只要懂得如何組織群眾，那麼一切都將是可能的)，而另一種人則認為，他們生命中的主要經驗是無力感。 在歷史眼光和政治思考的層次上，流行著一種含糊不清的共識，即一切文明的本質結構已經到了崩潰的臨界點。儘管文明在世界的某些地方比其他地方保持得更好，但是它在任何地方都無法引導本世紀的可能前途，或對其中可怕的事件作出適當反應。絕望的希望和絕望的恐懼往往比起平穩的判斷和審慎的洞悉，更接近上述事件的中心。比起那些魯莽地一頭鑽進樂觀主義的人來，那些全然相信世界將不可避免地毀滅的人會更善於忘卻我們時代的各種中心事件。 本書的寫作背景就是針對這兩種魯莽的樂觀和輕率的絕望態度。我認為，進步(Progress)和毀滅(Doom)是同一個問題的兩個方面；它們都是迷信的見解，而不是信念的結果。我相信應該有可能發現一種隱形機制——我們的政治世界和精神世界的全部傳統因素根據這種機制都溶入一種積澱，使一切都顯得失去具體價值，而人類卻無法靠理能力來辨認它，也不能利用它來達到自己的目的。屈從於唯一的解體過程，這是一種不可抗拒的誘惑，因為它不僅假設了「歷史必然性」的虛假輝煌，而且也使除它以外的一切都開始顯得無生命、無血色、無意義，而且不真實。 有一種信念認為，地球上發生的一切事物必定都是人可以理解的，這會導致以平庸的觀點來解釋歷史。理解(comprehension)並不意味著否定暴亂，援引先例來演繹史無前例的事實，或者用類比和概括來解釋現象，以致令人不再感到現實的衝擊和經歷的震動。相反，理解意味著有意識地檢視和承負起本世紀壓給我們的重擔——既不否定它的存在，也不在它的重壓下卑躬屈膝。簡言之，理解意味著無論面對何種現實，總要坦然地、專心地面對它、抵抗它。 在此意義上，就必然可能面對和理解一種暴亂的事實，即猶太人問題。它是一種很小的(而且在世界政治中很不重要的)現象，但是反猶主義卻成為先是納粹運動，接著是世界大戰，最後建立死亡集中營的觸發原因。還有，原因與結果之間如此奇特地不相稱，引發了帝國主義時代，其經濟困境在幾十年時間裡導致了全世界政治狀況的深刻轉變。還有，極權主義運動玩世不恭地發誓遵奉「現實主義」，而它們卻明顯地蔑視現實的本質，這兩者之間構成了奇怪的矛盾。還有，現代人實際的權力比以往任何時候都大，足以使他向自身存在其中的宇宙挑戰，但是現代人無能居住在依靠自己的力量建立的世界，並理解其意義，權力與無能之間的不相稱令人沮喪。 極權主義企圖征服和統治全世界，這是一條在一切絕境中最具毀滅性的道路。它的勝利就是人類的毀滅；無論在哪裡實行統治，它都開始摧毀人的本質。然而若想躲避本世紀的各種毀滅性的力量，又幾乎是徒勞無功。 問題是，我們的時代是好壞交織的奇怪時代，即使沒有帝國主義的「為擴張而擴張」，世界也永遠不可能變成一個；即使沒有資產階級「為權力而奪權」的政治手段，也永遠不可能發現人類力量的界限；即使沒有極權主義運動對世界的虛構，在其中無比明確地驅除我們時代種種重大疑惑，我們也可能在毫未意識到究竟發生了什麼時就已被趕到了世界末日。 假如在極權主義的最後階段真的出現了絕對的惡(說它絕對，是因為從人類可理解的動機來看無法再惡化了)，那麼如果沒有它，我們就不可能懂得「惡」的真正的、徹底的本質是什麼，這也是真的。 反猶主義(不僅僅是仇視猶太人)，帝國主義(不僅僅是征服)，極權主義(不僅僅是專政)——一個接著一個、一個比一個更野蠻，這說明人類尊嚴需要一種新的保障。這種保障只有在一種新的政治原則，在一種新的世界法律中才能找到。這一次，它的有效性應該包括整個人類，而它的權力應該受到嚴格限制，在新界定的地域統一體中扎根，並且受到控制。 我們不再能接受過去好的部分，簡單地稱之為我們的傳統遺產，只拋棄過去壞的部分，簡單地認為它是一種已死的重負，會被時間埋葬在遺忘中。西方歷史的潛流終於浮上了水面，取代傳統的尊嚴。這就是我們所生活的現實。這也就是為什麼想逃避嚴酷的現在、懷舊地躲進對仍然原封不動的過去，或者在遺忘中預先奔進一個更好的未來的一切努力終將徒勞。 ● < TOP>

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简介：In this work on the theory of civil society, Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato contend that the concept of civil society articulates a contested terrain in the West that could become the primary locus for the expansion of democracy and rights. Cohen and Arato point out that "civil society" has become the catch-all term to invoke everything that communist and military dictatorships suppress, yet it has an ambiguous status under liberal democracies. To some,it indicates simply what the West already has and appears to lack any critical potential in terms of the injustices and dysfunctions of a democratic society. To others the concept belongs to early modern forms of political philosophy that are irrelevant to complex societies today. "Civil Society and Political Theory" challenges both truisms. Its theoretical analysis demonstrates the modernity and the normative / critical relevance of the concept to all types of contemporary societies and to democrats and liberals everywhere. The first part of the book discusses the reemergence of the discourse of civil society in Europe and Latin America, provides a history of the concept that takes Hegel's masterful synthesis as the starting point, and analyzes 20th century theoretical critiques by scholars such as Hannah Arendt, Carl Schmitt, Jurgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, and Niklas Luhmann. The second part attempts a reconstruction of the concept, based on Habermas' dualistic theory. Four theoretical studies form a bridge between theory and politics, by answering the criticisms raised earlier in the book and particularly through an analysis of social movements and civil disobedience in terms of the categories of civil society.

Men in dark times

作者：  (美)汉娜·鄂兰(Hannah Arendt)著;郑伯宸译

出版社：立绪文化事业有限公司,[2006](中华民国95年)

简介：

Karl Marx and the tradition of western political thought

作者：  (美)汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)著;孙传钊译

出版社：江苏人民出版社,2008

简介：本书包括阿伦特研究马克思思想中所含的西欧传统要素的两个手稿及断片文献，着重考察马克思的劳动观、国家理论与西方政治思想间的内在联系与差异，试图理清马克思思想与西方政治思想传统的发展脉络，并就劳动观等问题提出作者本人的看法。

Reflections on literature and culture /

作者：  Hannah Arendt ; edited and with an Introduction by Susannah Young-ah Gottlieb.

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简介：Summary: Publisher Summary 1 As one of the foremost public intellectuals of the twentieth century, Hannah Arendt is well known for her writings on political philosophy. Less familiar are her significant contributions to cultural and literary criticism. This edition brings together for the first time Arendt's reflections on literature and culture. The essays include previously unpublished and untranslated material drawn from half a century of engagement with the works of European and American authors, poets, journalists, and literary critics, including such diverse figures as Proust, Melville, Auden, and Brecht. Intended for a wide readership, this volume has the potential to change our view of Arendt by introducing her not only as one of the leading political theorists of her generation, but also as a serious, committed, and highly original literary and cultural critic. Gottlieb's introduction ties the work together, showing how Arendt developed a form of literary and cultural analysis that is entirely her own.   Publisher Summary 2 This is the first volume in any language that collects Hannah Arendt's remarkable series of essays and notes on literary figures and cultural questions.  

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简介：Summary: Publisher Summary 1 Political realism dominated the study of international relations during the Cold War. Since then, however, its fortunes have been mixed: pushed onto the backburner during the 1990s, it has in recent years retuned to the center of scholarly debate in international relations. Yet despite its significance in international relations theory, realism plays little role in contemporary international political theory. It is often associated with a form of crude realpolitik that ignores the role of ethical considerations in political life. Political Thought and International Relationsexplores an alternative understanding of realism. The contributors view realism chiefly as a diverse and complex mode of political and ethical theorizing rather than either a value-neutral branch of social science or the unreflective defense of the national interest. They analyze a variety of historical and philosophical themes, probing the potential and the pathologies of realist thought. A number of the chapters offer critical interpretations of key figures in the canon of twentieth century realism, including Hans Morgenthau, E. H. Carr, and Reinhold Niebuhr. Others seek to widen the lens through which realism is usually viewed, exploring the writings of Martin Heidegger, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss. Finally, a number of the contributors engage with general issues in political theory, including the meaning and value of pessimism, the relationship between power and ethics, the role of normative political theory, and what might constitute political 'reality.' Straddling international relations and political theory, this book makes a significant contribution to both fields.  

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简介：Studies on contemporary art and culture by one of the most original, critical and analytical minds of this century. Illuminations includes Benjamin's views on Kafka, with whom he felt the closest personal affinity, his studies on Baudelaire and Proust (both of whom he translated), his essays on Leskov and on Brecht's Epic Theater. Also included are his penetrating study on "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," an illuminating discussion of translation as a literary mode, and his thesis on the philosophy of history. Hannah Arendt selected the essays for this volume and prefaces them with a substantial, admirably informed introduction that presents Benjamin's personality and intellectual development, as well as his work and his life in dark times.Reflections the companion volume to this book, is also available in Schocken paperback. --Publisher.

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简介：Gottlieb (English and comparative literary studies, Northwestern U.) gathers together into one volume most of the writings on literature and culture produced by celebrated political theorist and philosopher Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), all of which, Gottlieb contends, converge in varied ways around the problem of "finding the words that would praise the world without imagining that this praise will somehow glorify the poet as well." Most of the essays are either reviews of individual works or retrospective appreciations of other writers, examples including Rainier Maria Rilke, Franz Kafka, Stefan Zweig, Hans Hagen, Herman Broch, Rudyard Kipling, Randall Jarrell, Bertolt Brecht, W.H. Auden, and Isak Dinesen. Annotation 漏2007 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)

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简介：W. H. Auden was the greatest English poet of the twentieth century. As witness to many of the century’s pivotal moments - Berlin in the 1920s, Spain and China in the 1930s, wartime and postwar America - and because of his consuming quest to translate the social, political, and cultural upheavals into poetry, his importance at century’s end is undeniable. It is Richard Davenport-Hines’ achievement in this biography (the first in fifteen years) to make clear the extent of Auden’s achievement - as a poet, a librettist, and an essayist - and to show how his works serve as a commentary on the wars, ideologies, spiritual questioning, and sexual attitudes of the time in which he lived. Auden’s ambition was to be a great poet. Beyond his intense need to experience and to be consumed by experience, there was also an inexhaustible curiosity about ideas, a passion for understanding, and a desire for wisdom. In an age when heroic conceptions are no longer useful, Auden’s outer and inner travels and his dedication to writing establish his life as a model of what it means to be a poet today, and underscore the tremendous cost, in the words of Auden’s friend Hannah Arendt, of following the "heart’s invisible furies." In Auden, Davenport-Hines has given us a portrait that is fresh, convincing and exemplary.

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简介："At midcentury, The New Yorker magazine occupied an unsurpassed niche of cultural authority, wielding a power without precedent in the magazine market. In this period a small but influential community of readers relied on The New Yorker as a guide to the emerging postwar world, turning to it for information about Broadway theater, Parisian pret-a-porter, Italian Communism, the bombing of Bikini Atoll, English movies, and French wines. A well-known critic lamented that "certain groups have come to communicate almost exclusively in references to the [magazine’s] sacred writings." The World through a Monocle is a study of these "sacred writings."" "Mary Corey mines the magazine’s mix of journalism, fiction, advertisements, cartoons, and poetry to unearth a kind of New Yorker Village - a locale of contradiction and delight, of self-importance and social justice. She exposes a magazine with blind spots in regard to women and to racial and ethnic stereotyping, but which nevertheless strove towards liberal ideals, publishing the work of Rachel Carson, John Hersey, Hannah Arendt, and others. She recreates an audience that devoured ads for luxury items while avidly absorbing social criticism and political engagement. Balancing the wish to live well with the aim to do good, The New Yorker provided what seemed like a coherent value system in an incoherent world."--BOOK JACKET.

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简介：Summary: Publisher Summary 1 Political realism dominated the study of international relations during the Cold War. Since then, however, its fortunes have been mixed: pushed onto the backburner during the 1990s, it has in recent years retuned to the center of scholarly debate in international relations. Yet despite its significance in international relations theory, realism plays little role in contemporary international political theory. It is often associated with a form of crude realpolitik that ignores the role of ethical considerations in political life. Political Thought and International Relationsexplores an alternative understanding of realism. The contributors view realism chiefly as a diverse and complex mode of political and ethical theorizing rather than either a value-neutral branch of social science or the unreflective defense of the national interest. They analyze a variety of historical and philosophical themes, probing the potential and the pathologies of realist thought. A number of the chapters offer critical interpretations of key figures in the canon of twentieth century realism, including Hans Morgenthau, E. H. Carr, and Reinhold Niebuhr. Others seek to widen the lens through which realism is usually viewed, exploring the writings of Martin Heidegger, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss. Finally, a number of the contributors engage with general issues in political theory, including the meaning and value of pessimism, the relationship between power and ethics, the role of normative political theory, and what might constitute political 'reality.' Straddling international relations and political theory, this book makes a significant contribution to both fields.  

Hannah Arendt Heinrich Blucher Briefe:1936~1968

作者：  (德)罗·科勒尔编;孙爱玲，赵薇薇译

出版社：贵州人民出版社,2004

简介：　　汉娜·阿伦特与丈夫海茵利希·布鲁希尔的书信同她过去几十年中所出版的众多通信文集[与卡尔·雅斯佩尔斯、马丁·海德格尔等]相比，具有其特殊的地位。没有任何一封信能表现出该书信作者之间这种真诚的信任和理解；所涉猎的话题及人物之广泛，是以往任何书信都难以比拟的。无论是私人话题，还是说艺论道；无论是对大自然的感慨，抑或是对国际政治事件的阐述，字里行间都流露着一种挚友般的至诚真情。 　　 正是由于作者间的亲密关系，使得本通信集成为其他出版物的最好补充，是阿伦特遗作中惟一能表现女性的敏感、温柔、依恋的文字记载。这些书信记录了他们三十年间充实的生活经历，让我们看到，夫妇间的爱情是他们在阴霾、险恶中最安全的港湾。 　　 在这本通信集中，我们不仅可以了解到阿伦特的思想渊源，把握她的思想脉络，认识一个作为学者的她，而且我们还可以生动地认识一个作为人、特别是作为女人的她。作为学者，阿伦特的成就动摇了男性以往在知识界自视的优越地位；作为人，阿伦特是一个诚实、真挚的人；作为女人，她是一个充满激情的，时刻渴求着爱、理解，珍视友谊的人。 　　

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简介：Summary: Publisher Summary 1 A selection of 15 speeches Gross (1911-77) delivered between 1949 and 1971. He was president of Rutger's University from 1959 and 1971. A new introduction has been added to the 1980 Selected Speeches of Mason Welch Gross , also published by Transaction. There is no index or bibliography. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)   Publisher Summary 2 Mason W. Gross, the sixteenth president of Rutgers University, was a unique man who left his imprint on the university. During his presidency, Rutgers expanded from a student body of 18,000 to 30,000, the budget grew from $18 million to $68 million, an enormous construction program enhanced and enlarged the campuses at Newark, New Brunswick, and Camden, and new professional schools were founded. In effect, Gross presided over the transformation of Rutgers from a private university rooted in the colonial past to one of the largest state universities in the post-industrial present. Yet, Gross was a relaxed and much admired leader whose tenure spawned excellence in research coupled with civility in relations among students, faculty and administrators. The speeches of Mason W. Gross are of more than ordinary interest and merit for two reasons. One is that he wrote them all himself. Woodrow Wilson was the last president of the United States who had no speechwriter. While this is less frequently characteristic of college presidents, it is a growing phenomenon. The second reason for the unique quality of his speeches is that Gross was essentially a teacher and student of philosophy. He was only incidentally an administrator, a title he disliked as being akin to 'bureaucrat.' The addresses selected for this volume were culled from some three hundred that were delivered between 1949 and 1971. The speeches were chosen to reflect diverse themes and occasions. Their subjects range from ideas on education to thoughts about urban planning, and the occasions from commencement addresses to appearances before national organiations. Effortlessly urbane and civilied, always gracious and courteous, Mason W. Gross was a teacher and philosopher, a democrat and an aristocrat. In his new introduction, Irving Louis Horowit, traces the philosophical sources of Mason Gross' thought as well as his practical implementation of those influences. Richard P. McCormick, was professor of history at Rutgers University from 1948 to 1982. He is the author of The Presidential Game: The Origins of American Presidential Politicsand The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era. Richard Schlatter, now deceased, was professor of history at Rutgers University, and served as provost of the university under Mason Gross. Irving Louis Horowit is Hannah Arendt Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Sociology and Political Science at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, and chairman and editorial director of Transaction Publishers. His books include Radicalism and the Revolt Against Reasonand Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power.  

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简介：A work of striking originality bursting with unexpected insights, The Human Condition is in many respects more relevant now than when it first appeared in 1958. In her study of the state of modern humanity, Hannah Arendt considers humankind from the perspective of the actions of which it is capable. The problems Arendt identified then - diminishing human agency and political freedom, the paradox that as human powers increase through technological and humanistic inquiry, we are less equipped to control the consequences of our actions - continue to confront us today. This new edition, published to coincide with the fortieth anniversary of its original publication, contains an improved and expanded index and a new introduction by noted Arendt scholar Margaret Canovan which incisively analyzes the book's argument and examines its present relevance. A classic in political and social theory, The Human Condition is a work that has proved both timeless and perpetually timely. - Publisher.

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简介：Mary McCarthy has played a remarkable and hugely controversial role in the intellectual life of our times. More than any other American writer, she has made its core ideas and many of its secrets the subject of her fiction and criticism; yet neither the drama of her own life nor the precise nature of her literary achievement has been seriously considered until now. Nor has McCarthy herself, in her memoirs, told the whole story. In this ground-breaking biography, Carol. Brightman probes both the public and private reaches of McCarthy's career and re-creates the pivotal scenes in her development as a fiercely independent woman and writer. With its recreation of life among the literati in New York, Wellfleet, Paris, Rome, and Castine, Maine, and lively portraits of fellow intellectuals, most notably Hannah Arendt, along with its renditions of the historic events that absorbed McCarthy's generation - the Moscow trials, McCarthyism and the. Cold War, Vietnam - Writing Dangerously is literary biography at its finest. The book also explores how the literary enterprise was practiced by a generation whose aspirations and anxieties still shape the way we think about politics and literature. A brilliant stylist and memoirist, McCarthy produced essays, political commentary, and nine works of fiction, including The Group, the best-selling novel whose intimate details about her Vassar classmates foreshadowed women's. fiction today. Her Memories of a Catholic Girlhood has become an American classic. Mary McCarthy was first introduced to New York literary circles in 1937 as a theatre critic for the new Partisan Review and the striking girlfriend of its editor, Philip Rahv. As the years passed, she became an electrifying presence among New York and European intellectuals, renowned for her wit, intelligence, and respect for truth, but also for a merciless candor whose sting is still felt. today. A lifelong moral struggle between duty and desire led to innumerable lovers and four husbands, including a tempestuous marriage to Edmund Wilson. Carol Brightman - who, like McCarthy, was raised a Catholic, graduated from Vassar, visited North Vietnam - was granted extensive and candid interviews with her subject. Mary McCarthy's life is a mine of paradox and provocation; Brightman is the first biographer to unravel the strands of this fascinating woman's. character and bring her vividly to life.

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简介：Part philosophical meditation, part cultural critique,The Body in Painis a profoundly original study that has already stirred excitement in a wide range of intellectual circles. The book is an analysis of physical suffering and its relation to the numerous vocabularies and cultural forces--literary, political, philosophical, medical, religious--that confront it. Elaine Scarry bases her study on a wide range of sources: literature and art, medical case histories, documents on torture compiled by Amnesty International, legal transcripts of personal injury trials, and military and strategic writings by such figures as Clausewitz, Churchill, Liddell Hart, and Kissinger, She weaves these into her discussion with an eloquence, humanity, and insight that recall the writings of Hannah Arendt and Jean-Paul Sartre. Scarry begins with the fact of pain's inexpressibility. Not only is physical pain enormously difficult to describe in words--confronted with it, Virginia Woolf once noted, "language runs dry"--it also activelydestroyslanguage, reducing sufferers in the most extreme instances to an inarticulate state of cries and moans. Scarry analyzes the political ramifications of deliberately inflicted pain, specifically in the cases of torture and warfare, and shows how to be fictive. From these actions of "unmaking" Scarry turns finally to the actions of "making"--the examples of artistic and cultural creation that work against pain and the debased uses that are made of it. Challenging and inventive,The Body in Painis landmark work that promises to spark widespread debate.

Where have all the intellectuals gone?:confronting 21st century philistinism

作者：  法兰克·富里迪(Frank Furedi)著;戴从容，王晶译

出版社：联经出版事业股份有限公司,2006

简介： 「知識分子」是絕種還是充斥？一場迅速蔓延的危機感，焦慮的卻也只有那一群對這個詞有反應的特定人種。作者佛蘭克?富里迪懷疑，如「啟蒙時期」全知的羅素、威廉士（Raymond Williams）、漢娜鄂蘭（Hannah Arendt）那一派博學多聞，對大眾事務關心的知識分子其實已經都是投機取巧者、智庫說客、狡辯家的偽善面具。在知識經濟的時代，我們因為某些原因結合了最廣的教育層次和最低層的文化涵養。富里迪用他對知識界的熱情和對此危機的迫切焦慮，闡述了知識分子如何做出在文化和民主上該扮演的角色，也聲明社會應該要理出一個知識分子和大眾能一同討論的空間。 一段時間以來，作者深切感受到知識分子的迷失，並為此煩惱不安，這種感覺似乎困擾著我們文化機構、大學和專科學校中的許多人。公眾有權聽到來自我們文化的高質量的學術討論，而且，最為有著無限潛力的聽眾，他們應該受到更大的尊重。本書就是寫給眾多聰穎的男男女女，他們渴望一種更具挑戰性的學術和文化生活。 本書並不是哀悼學術生活的黃金時代已經一去不復返。我們並沒有變成白癡。我們有多令人難忘的藝術作品和科學成果，我們也繼續做出出色的發現。本書旨在對我們當前著書發展思想、教育民眾和塑造新型公眾的方式展開研究，對當代教育和文化政治的反民主根基和保護主義同時提出質疑，即把大眾參與描繪位無法保持優秀標準和諧共存。我認為今天的文化精英們從心底裡接受了這一看法，這導致了對待學術生活的庸人主義態度和有害的工具主義態度日益興盛。一個文化如果把辯證等同於乏味的專業觀點，這個文化就會出現冷漠和社會疏離。由於所有這些都確實至關重要，一場對抗庸人文化的文化戰爭早就該開始了。 < TOP>