Step by Step
Contents
Contributors
Publications by Howard Lasnik
Working Papers
Journal Articles
Articles in Books
Books
Books Edited
Ph.D. Dissertations Supervised by Howard Lasnik
Preface
Introduction Some Possible Foundations of the Minimalist Program
Two Minimalist Theses
A Mind Plan
Ontological Minimalism
Note
References
Chapter 1— Minimalism and Asymmetric Wh-Interpretation
1.1— Two Interpretation Mechanisms for Wh-in-Situ
1.1.1— Movement and In-Situ Interpretation Systems
1.1.2— Economy and Covert Wh-Movement
1.1.3— Choice Functions and Wh-in-Situ
1.1.4— Overt Movement of D-Linked Wh
1.2— The First Puzzle: The Multipair Reading and Superiority
1.2.1— The Loss of the Multipair Reading When Superiority Is Violated
1.2.2— Constraining the Distribution of [+wh]
1.3— The Second Puzzle: A Crossed Binding Asymmetry
1.4— The Third Puzzle: Asymmetry in Wh-QNP Interpretations
1.5— The Fourth Puzzle: The Comparative Superlative
1.6— Conclusion
Notes
References
Chapter 2— Sometimes in [Spec, CP], Sometimes in Situ
2.1— Embedded Questions in French
2.2— Long-Distance and Negated Questions in French
2.3— Wh-Phrases That Do Not Move in LF
2.4— Conclusion and Some Theoretical Consequences of the Proposed Analysis
Notes
References
Chapter 3— Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework
3.1— Background
3.2— Design Specifications
3.3— Architecture
3.4— The Strong Thesis
3.5— Imperfections
3.6— Syntactic Objects
Notes
References
Chapter 4— The Primitives of Temporal Relations
4.1— Tense
4.2— (Grammatical) Aspect
4.3— Reducing Tense and Aspect to the Same Set of Substantive and Structural Primitives
4.3.1— A Uniform Semantic Approach to Tense and Aspect
4.3.2— A Uniform Syntactic Approach to Tense and Aspect
4.4— On the Dual Role of Some Functional Heads
4.5— The Grammar of Temporal Relations
4.5.1— The Phrase Structure of the Progressive Aspect
4.5.2— The Phrase Structure of the Perfect
4.6— Aspect Recursion
4.6.1— The Perfect of a Progressive
4.6.2— Constraining Aspect Recursion
4.6.3— Conclusion
4.7— On the Nature of Tense and Aspect as Ordering Predicates
4.7.1— Hale 1984: Central versus Noncentral Coincidence
4.7.2— Why AFTER and Not BEFORE?
4.8— On the Typology of Aspectual Systems
4.8.1— Central Coincidence
4.8.1.1— Prepositions of Central Coincidence
4.8.1.2— Progressive and Locative \\u0027Be\\u0027
4.8.1.3— Verbs of Central Coincidence
4.8.2— Noncentral Coincidence
4.8.2.1— Prepositions of Noncentral Coincidence
4.8.2.2— Directional/Motion Verbs as Aspects
Centripetal Motion
Centrifugal Motion
4.9— Conclusion
Notes
References
Chapter 5— How Far Will Quantifiers Go?
5.1— What Kind of Movement Is QR?
5.1.1— Quantifier Ambiguities through A-Movement
5.1.2— Adjuncts Can Undergo QR
5.1.3— The Non-Clause-Bound Cases
5.1.4— It\\u0027s Scrambling
5.2— Inverse Linking
5.3— Conclusion
Notes
References
Chapter 6— Japanese Complex Noun Phrases and the Antisymmetry Theory
6.1— Does Japanese Have Relatives? A Historical Perspective
6.2— The Nonmovement Property of Japanese Relative Clauses
6.3— The Overgeneration of No in Child Japanese
6.3.1— The Analysis Proposed in Murasugi 1991
6.3.2— A Revised Analysis within the Antisymmetry Theory
6.4— The Absence of Relative Clauses in Japanese: A Proper Binding Analysis
6.5— Conclusion
Notes
References
Chapter 7— A Conspiracy Theory of Case and Agreement
7.1— Case Checking and Movement
7.2— The Minimal Link Condition and Multiple Agreement
7.3— Restrictions on Clitic/Agreement Clusters
7.4— Morphological or Syntactic Locality?
7.4.1— Locality in Morphology
7.4.2— Syntactic Properties of Clitic/Agreement Restrictions
7.4.2.1— Absence of the Third Argument
7.4.2.2— Nonargumental Clitics/Agreement Markers
7.4.2.3— Strong/Weak Dative Pronouns
7.4.2.4— Nonfinite Clauses
7.5— Strong/Weak Pronouns and Restrictions on Third Person Pronouns
7.5.1— The Animacy Effects
7.5.2— Other Objects Unmarked for the Animacy Feature
7.6— Objects That Don\\u0027t Move
7.6.1— Binding Asymmetries
7.6.2— Clitics and Demonstratives as Caseless Expletives
7.7— Concluding Remarks
Notes
References
Chapter 8— The Japanese Light Verb Construction and the Minimalist Program
8.1— Grimshaw and Mester\\u0027s (1988) Argument Transfer Analysis
8.2— LF Incorporation and the Double-o Constraint
8.3— Some Consequences of the LF Incorporation Analysis
8.4— Miyagawa\\u0027s (1989) and Tsujimura\\u0027s (1990a) Ergativity Constraint
8.5— Conclusion
Notes
References
Chapter 9— Move F and Raising of Lexical and Empty DPs
9.1— Nagara Clauses
9.2— Two Types of Pro Subjects
9.3— Raising in Japanese
9.4— A Move F Analysis
9.5— Why Can Argumental Pros Raise?
9.6— Summary
Notes
References
Chapter 10— On the Grammar of Polish Nominals
10.1— The Extended Syntactic Projection of NP
10.1.1— The Functional Categories of the Noun
10.1.2— The Syntactic Structure of Polish Nominals
10.2— The D Paradigm
10.2.1— Evidence for D Position
10.2.2— Evidence for [Spec, DP]: Extraction from NP
10.2.3— Evidence for [Spec, DP]: The Syntax of the Genitive in Polish
10.3— The DP Hypothesis and (In)definiteness in Polish
10.3.1— Determiners, Reference, and Argumenthood
10.3.2— A Minimalist Approach to (In)definiteness of Reference
10.4— Conclusion
Notes
References
Index
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